Returning Home:  The Post-World War II Resettlement of Japanese Americans to San Diego
by Susan Hasegawa


In 1940, Ichi Hironaka’s customers could buy a haircut, shave, and bath for fifty cents. Located in the southern part of downtown San Diego, California, Hironaka’s Barber and Bath was one of three women-owned barbershops in the Japanese business district. Customers had a choice of a Western style shower, tub bath, or a long soak in a Japanese furo (deep hot tub). Like other Nikkei business owners in the area, Hironaka and her family lived in the back part of the shop.1 With limited hardship, the Hironakas had survived the Depression; yet, the next two years would bring total upheaval and turmoil to their lives.

Down the street from Hironaka Barber and Bath was the intersection of Fifth and Island Avenues, the center of the Nikkei business district. Turning North on Fifth Avenue, there was an array of small Japanese businesses including retail outlets, American-style coffee shops, Japanese restaurants, pool halls, hotels, and liquor stores. Within a two-block radius of Fifth and Island, there were over 35 Nikkei-owned businesses. Between trips, Issei fishermen relaxed in the pool halls. On the weekends, the area bustled with Nikkei farmers from Mission Valley and Chula Vista on their weekly supply run into town.2 Interspersed with Nikkei businesses were Caucasian-owned businesses, including two second-hand clothing stores and liquor stores, and several Filipino-managed shops.3 Nonetheless, the Fifth and Island area was commonly known as the Japanese business district. Although the Great Depression had exacted a toll on the Nikkei community, on the eve of World War II, Fifth and Island represented the beating heart of San Diego’s Nikkei community.

The Nikkei community in San Diego developed in the early decades of the twentieth century as Japanese sojourners progressed from migrant laborers to independent farmers, proprietors of small businesses, and independent fishermen. According to census data, the San Diego County Nikkei population grew steadily in the early years of the twentieth century from 25 in 1900, to over 2,000 in 1940. By 1940, San Diego County had the tenth largest Nikkei population among the 56 counties in California. A Nikkei enclave evolved in the southern area of downtown San Diego while the older, ethnically mixed, neighborhoods in the southern part of the city attracted numerous Nikkei families.

In the early formation of the Japanese American community in San Diego, ethnic ties were an important source of mutual support and early pioneers formed community institutions based on ethnicity. These included two Christian churches and a Buddhist temple, as well as prefectural and civic organizations. In addition, diverse economic-based institutions from small community banks to farming cooperatives established offices in the Fifth and Island area. The main civic association, the Japanese Association, functioned as the primary spokesperson for the community. These institutions were Issei-managed and formed the backbone of the Nikkei social and economic life.

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and the U.S. entrance into World War II would signal the end of the Nikkei business district in San Diego, uprooting Hironaka and her Nikkei neighbors. When the war was over, few Nikkei businesses returned to Fifth and Island. Hironaka did not re-open her barbershop downtown; instead, she resumed her trade in South San Diego. Incarceration signaled the demise of the ethnic Nikkei economy in downtown San Diego, yet the war was a watershed with divergent trends in Nikkei life.

On one hand, the postwar period brought greater economic integration. On the other, continuity in social patterns, community institutions, and residential patterns persisted across the experience of internment and into the 1950s.

For Nikkei, the immediate postwar period was a struggle to readjust. Like other West Coast returnees, San Diego’s Nikkei faced three major hurdles-employment, housing, and continued anti-Japanese prejudice. In response to these challenges, many Nikkei returned to their old neighborhoods, sought-out familiar employment, and revived ethnic social and religious organizations. At the same time, evacuation and incarceration had stimulated changes within the Nikkei community. Issei organizations like the Japanese Association and prefectural associations no longer dominated community social life. Instead, Nisei took the initiative in restarting prewar organizations and fostering community cohesiveness.

Starting Over

After authorities rescinded the exclusion order in late 1944, Nikkei began returning to the West Coast to salvage remnants of their former lives in the following year. In June, 1945, the WRA announced that Poston Units II and III in Arizona would close by the first of October. This was home to most of the San Diego Nikkei. Upon leaving camp, evacuees received a $25 allowance and a one-way train ticket to the destination of their choice.4 WRA records indicate that a total of 934 individuals listed San Diego County as their final destination and over half of them intended to return to the city of San Diego County. This number was approximately 45 percent of the Nikkei prewar population of San Diego County. Another 158 individuals living outside of WRA centers requested assistance in returning to San Diego.5

Starting over in a city transformed by the war was no easy task. Like other parts of the United States, San Diego faced a severe housing shortage. From 1942-1945, the influx of war industry workers and military personnel created a great demand for housing which existing units did not satisfy. In the early part of the war, workers lived in trailers and tents in Mission Valley and makeshift structures in factory parking lots. During World War II, federal authorities built thousands of temporary and semi-permanent units to ease the crisis. The Linda Vista Project on Kearny Mesa, a massive 3,000-unit subdivision, was one of many new developments built by the federal government to address the problem, but the housing shortage persisted.6

The housing crisis made immediate shelter for returning families very difficult. One of the first to return was Reverend Kenji Kikuchi of Ocean View United Church of Christ in mid-1945. He and his wife, Yoshiko, established a hostel on the second floor of the church and accommodated people on short-term leave and families moving back permanently.7 These efforts were not enough to handle the flood of returnees and other accommodations were needed.

During this housing shortage, WRA authorities undertook creative measures to secure temporary housing for returning Nikkei. It worked feverishly to provide immediate shelter to returnees and found surplus army barracks near Lindbergh Field and Laurel Street as temporary housing for some 200 individuals. A trailer park in Southeast San Diego and another group of war industry “bungalows” in National City were the other temporary housing sites.8 Lastly, the WRA negotiated with the Federal Public Housing Authority to obtain surplus units in Frontier Homes. With the exception of Frontier Homes, however, temporary quarters did not offer ideal conditions, in fact, they were probably reminiscent of living conditions in the camps.

In the one- and two-story wooden apartments of Frontier Homes, some 25 families found living conditions preferable to available permanent housing, and stayed for several years. Families there were usually either veterans or service connected families.9 Joe Yoshioka noted that his family returned to San Diego directly from camp, and was living in Frontier Homes when he rejoined them.10 Government housing provided a significant number of families inexpensive housing for several years.

The few families who owned property slowly replaced tenants in their former homes. According to residential directory listings, 24 households regained their previous 1940 residences; this number represented nearly 20 percent of the returning families.11 The Imamuras were one such family. Shigenobu Imamura, a former partner in one of the largest Nikkei retail outlets before the war, purchased a three-bedroom home in South San Diego in 1929. Prior to evacuation, Mrs. Imamura rented their home to a Caucasian family and stored many of their possessions in the basement. Upon returning to San Diego, they moved back into their old home.12 Many home-owning families who were able to hold onto their property during the war reclaimed them after the war.

The majority of returnees, however, were renters and they scrambled to find long-term housing by reconnecting with former business and social acquaintances. In the case of Masaaki Hironaka, he found a house in Logan Heights, an older neighborhood located in the southern part of the city, for his family through a former downtown business contact.13 By November of 1945, eight families remained in the trailer park and a handful at the barracks on Laurel Street, which eventually closed with the start of the new year14.

In spite of overcrowded conditions, ethnically mixed Logan Heights and the surrounding region in the southern part of the city absorbed many returnees with little outward signs of racial conflict.15 The overwhelming majority of 127 Nikkei households moved back to this area.16 Returnees were still uncertain about public reception and sought to avoid confrontations. Therefore, they found housing where they had the greatest chance of integrating back into society. Katherine Segawa explained that “they [Nikkei] were accepted . . . they could afford it, and they were comfortable” in the southern part of the city.17 For reasons such as these, most Nikkei families resettled in the ethnically mixed neighborhoods of South San Diego, quietly “drifting back into the community.”18

In addition to housing, employment was a major area of concern to returnees. Many Issei had limited English skills and most had sustained huge economic losses during evacuation. The WRA assisted Nikkei families in finding work, but the jobs available were limited to low-paying service and laborer positions. Many of the first offers the WRA received were for cooks, domestic help and agricultural laborers on suburban ranches. A large group of returnees in September 1945, found employment on citrus ranches in Chula Vista.19 According to the WRA, jobs were plentiful; however, they were not the most desirable or well-paying positions. For many Issei, who were previously independent fishermen, farmers or business owners, return meant starting at the bottom of the economic ladder, all over again.

Besides agricultural-related employment, a significant number of Issei men found work as contract gardeners. One Nisei noted that “gardening was the easiest way for a farmer to get a job and make a living.”20 The boom in housing developments in the late-1940s and expansion of single family homeowners led to a growing demand for landscaping services. With the exception of a lawnmower and truck, there was little need for a large amount of capital to enter the gardening business. Moreover, filling the demand for gardeners did not bring Nikkei in direct competition with Caucasians, and avoided racial competition and conflict. As one Nisei remarked, many Nikkei “couldn’t get other jobs” [Gardening] was the easiest way” to make a living.21

As in the case of gardening, prewar skills also helped many Nikkei regain a foothold in the fishing industry after the war. Nikkei men and women returned to the fishing industry as both fishermen and cannery workers. According to WRA reports, the Fishermen’s Union “hired all of the Nikkei men as fast as they returned,” and many Italian and Portuguese boat owners hired Nikkei to crew their boats.22 After initial resistance, the local fish canneries relented and hired Issei women to pack tuna. Of course, as in other fields, Nikkei returned to the fishing industry at the bottom of the ladder. They were no longer independent fishermen with their own boats. Since the U.S. government had confiscated or conscripted many Nikkei-owned boats for the war effort, it was difficult for independent Nikkei boat owners to return to fishing. In some cases, Nikkei fishing vessels were unusable after the military made structural changes for the war effort.23 In addition, state laws barring “aliens ineligible for citizenship” from acquiring fishing licenses, further discouraged independent Issei fishermen from re-establishing themselves in the industry in the years immediately following the war.24

The impact of internment on entrepreneurs could be seen in the drastic decrease in small businesses in the postwar period. Compared to the prewar total of 66 Nikkei businesses, local directories listed only 20 businesses by 1952.25 Nikkei were no longer in the laundry business, and there were far fewer restaurants. In addition, retail and wholesale produce outlets disappeared. Former downtown resident Masaaki Hironaka stated that the “fact is they tried to get back in, but there wasn’t that much opportunity to do it.”26

The few ventures that restarted at Fifth and Island in 1947 and 1948 were a far cry from the heyday of the prewar era. One Nisei farmer recounted taking his mother and neighbors downtown after the war to purchase Japanese food and to get “acquainted with other farmers also shopping . . . But there weren’t quite as many stores.”27 By 1950, more billiard halls, an increase in liquor stores and four card rooms were also listed within the one-block radius of the intersection of Fifth and Island.28 The proliferation of these business activities further signaled a general change in the composition of the neighborhood.

Like fishing, agriculture was a traditional Nikkei occupation, which attracted many returnees. However, immediately after the war, agricultural interests strongly opposed any type of Nikkei return to the industry. WRA reports indicate that the “majority of commission houses in San Diego were dead against having the Japanese return . . . ” These commission houses were “all making money” in the absence of Nikkei farmers and produce houses.29 In addition to commission houses, the Federal Farm Labor Bureau threatened a farmer, who wanted to hire Nikkei men, with a labor boycott. Within this tense atmosphere, farm owners like Mike Iguchi returned to San Diego County and attempted to return to business.

Reminiscent of the struggle of early Issei pioneers to establish a foothold in agriculture, farm families came together in mutual aid and support. Iguchi invited several other Issei families from Poston to assist him in reopening his 65-acre farm in San Ysidro. The Segawa and the Yamada families soon joined the Iguchis in mid-1945, living in ranch houses on the property. After almost a year with Iguchi, Kazuji Segawa started farming on a ten-acre lease in Palm City (near Chula Vista).30 Like Segawa, many former tenant farmers worked as agricultural laborers before establishing their own farming properties, although not without substantial struggles.31

In the face of informal boycotts and resistance from Caucasian farm interests, the social network of ethnic self-help extended beyond San Diego County to Los Angeles. Nikkei commission houses in Los Angeles provided important financial credit to farmers in San Diego. In turn, local farmers shipped their produce to Los Angeles. This enabled other agriculture-related enterprises to develop, such as a Nikkei trucking business. Y and Y Trucking, which hired numerous Nisei youth to load trucks, shipped produce daily to Los Angeles commission houses.32

Public Sentiment

Despite the efforts of institutions such as the War Relocation Authority, sympathetic religious organizations, and close friendships at the personal level between Caucasians and Nikkei, anti-Japanese sentiment was still alive and well in San Diego. During the war, civic leaders openly opposed proposals to relocate evacuees to Pacific Coast agricultural areas.33 Additionally, the San Diego City Council passed a resolution supporting incarceration and condemning any “type of Japanese return to this area” in June 1943.34 These actions made resettlement all the more difficult for many Nikkei.

Public officials were mixed in their reactions towards Nikkei resettlement once the federal government rescinded its exclusion orders. On the one hand, state elected officials predicted “violent outbreaks” in the general public if Nikkei should return to the West Coast.35 On the other hand, many of these same officials eventually called for calm and order once they did. For example, California Governor, Earl Warren, called for the public to “respect the constitution” once the exclusion order was rescinded, even though he had supported evacuation and incarceration. Locally, law enforcement officials also expressed mixed emotions. San Diego Police Chief Clifford E. Patterson vowed to quash “intemperate action” against returning Nikkei, while Sheriff Bert Strand expressed concern over Japanese saboteurs disguised as loyal Japanese Americans.36

In San Diego, the most inflammatory public statements came from District Attorney Thomas Whelan. Whelan called the federal government’s decision to allow Nikkei to return a “great mistake.” He argued that it would cause “unrest, dissension and dissatisfaction” and predicted “acts of violence” against Nikkei. In reality, there was no massive public unrest, and there was only one reported incident of vandalism against Japanese Americans in San Diego County.37

In spite of the public calm, anti-Japanese sentiment manifested itself in a variety of ways that impacted the Nikkei community’s ability to reintegrate. First, many employers refused to hire or interact with returning Nikkei. WRA official, J.C. McClendon, cited incidents of threats towards people who offered jobs to Nikkei. He noted: “One rancher had a would-be neighbor who told him that if he let Japs move on his ranch he would be boycotted by all of his friends.”38 In another example, the Postmaster General in San Diego refused to rehire a former civil service postal worker.39

There was also residual fear of Nikkei competition in agriculture. McClendon reported: “They [farmers] said that they would welcome them back if they would work as laborers, but the Caucasians could not compete with the Japanese, and they knew that the Japanese would go into business for themselves just as soon as they found land to work.”40 These fears led to significant resistance when Nikkei attempted to restart their farms. Nisei farmer Leo Owashi, for example, recalled that “People didn’t want to buy our produce. They would say ‘Why should we handle this merchandise’ they were afraid what others might think.”41

Not only did farmers face difficulties in restarting their properties, but also land-owning Nikkei faced the potential of state enforcement of the Alien Land Laws. District Attorney Whelan’s anti-Japanese sentiments were part of a statewide campaign to discourage Nikkei from returning to the West Coast. This campaign included suits to confiscate or escheat Nikkei land. Directed by State Attorney General Robert Kenny, Whelan had filed approximately 15 suits involving more than $1 million in Nikkei property in 1944. Whelan contended that the land “nominally belonged to citizens, but actually was held by Japanese aliens in violation of state law.”42 Nikkei farmers and ranchers throughout the state were targeted for harassment and faced large legal fees and fines to keep title to their land.

In spite of District Attorney Whelan’s prosecutorial zeal, Nikkei in San Diego fought back and even won a number of these suits. In February of 1947, Moto Asakawa won clear title to property following a suit filed by the state. His case and the property in question was “adjudged free of any escheat claims.”43 The Alien Land Laws were finally nullified in 1948 by a Supreme Court case involving a San Diego farmer, Kajiro Oyama.44 With the demise of these laws, Nikkei property owners laid the groundwork for growth and prosperity in the 1950s.

Rebuilding Communities Faced with continued anti-Japanese sentiment, Nikkei community members sought some sense of belonging in their lives and resurrected many institutions from the prewar period. The reformation of many ethnic-specific institutions provided continuity during this time of adjustment, but there were also distinct changes at work within the ethnic community. Issei no longer dominated the leadership of the community organizations, and the postwar institutions reflected the Nisei interest in American popular culture. These institutions and social networks played a key role in resettling and rebuilding the Nikkei community in San Diego.

San Diego’s Nikkei religious organizations were among the most important of these institutions. Reverend Kenji Kikuchi, head of the Ocean View United Church of Christ, was one of the first to return to San Diego and he played a critical role in assisting other families.45 Under his leadership, Ocean View was the first institution to restart its Sunday school in 1945. Kikuchi was in a unique position to facilitate resettlement, since he, like most of his congregation interned at Poston, had continued to serve his church during internment.46

The San Diego Japanese Christian Church and the Buddhist Temple of San Diego were slower in reestablishing their flocks, but they too regained membership once their doors opened. Under Reverend Okimoto, the Japanese Christian Church reconvened in 1945 with a congregation of three. Reverend Yahiro replaced Okimoto and slowly built up the congregation by “intensive visitation ministry” to the Nikkei community. During the late-1940s, church activities expanded to Sunday school classes and bilingual services in Japanese and English.47

The Buddhist Temple had more difficulty becoming reestablished in San Diego. It first had to reclaim their building before starting programs. During the war, arsonists had set fire to the building; subsequently the United Services Organization (USO) renovated and rented the building until 1947. Once the temple regained control, it was able to resume activities. To increase membership the churches and the temple sponsored numerous events, including dances, picnics, and Japanese language schools.48 All three organizations also started regular bilingual (English/Japanese) newsletters, which not only reported on religious worship, but also covered community events and out-of-town visitors.49 With the upheaval of evacuation, internment, and finally resettlement, religious organizations were an important source of spiritual guidance, physical shelter, and social support. In contrast to the prewar pattern, Nisei played significant roles in reinvigorating religious organizations. In the case of the Buddhist Temple, Nisei Masami Honda led negotiations for the temple to regain possession of the building, and his tenure as a temple leader continued for many years.50 Other examples of Nisei leadership among Buddhists included the formation of the Young Buddhist Association (YBA), which was the first association to conduct activities under temple auspices. Nisei, in their twenties and early-thirties, met regularly to plan social events and produce the Bussei Script, the postwar newsletter for the temple.51

In addition to religious organizations, Nisei revived prewar community organizations. The Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) San Diego chapter, founded in the 1930s, filled the vacuum left by Issei organizations, and it became the leading nondenominational organization after the war. A small group of Nisei reactivated the San Diego chapter in 1948, in order to get involved in civil rights activities and to reconnect with other JACL chapters at the state and national level. The San Diego chapter recruited members, conducted monthly meetings, and attended statewide and national JACL conventions within the next couple of years. They also sponsored social activities, including an annual picnic and a semi-formal dance. JACL provided non-religious Nisei with a forum to socialize and become involved in Nikkei issues.52

San Diego’s Nikkei also developed new outlets for socializing after the war. Nikkei sports and recreation leagues became an important part of the weekly social life of young adults in the late-1940s, reflecting the Nisei interest in American popular culture, as well as the desire to preserve ethnic ties. A Nikkei coeducational bowling league, established in the late 1940s, outgrew the original 16-lane alley and had to move to a 24-lane facility to accommodate the increased interest. Later, a Nikkei-specific basketball league also developed. These recreation leagues were highly organized, and open to all members of the Japanese American community.53 Still apprehensive about interaction with the mainstream population, one Nisei recalled that after the war, Japanese Americans “still had to find enjoyment among Japanese.”54

Nisei high school students also felt the need to coalesce around an ethnic-specific club. Revived in 1948, the Nisei Club (formerly Seinenkai) at San Diego High School provided social activities for Nisei students.55 With the stigma of camp still fresh in their minds, Nisei “stuck together at school” and felt more comfortable with each other in social situations.56 They did not simply “melt” into the social fabric of the larger population. At times, uncertain of the public reception, Nisei students institutionalized their own ethnic social network through a formal student club.

During the difficult process of resettlement, both internal and external forces shaped and influenced the Japanese American community. Most Issei entrepreneurs never recovered from internment, yet many Nikkei returned to neighborhoods and occupations similar to the prewar period. Moreover, with the Issei generation approaching their twilight years, Nisei took an active leadership role in preserving a distinct Japanese American community. In addition, Nisei established social networks focused on mainstream popular culture. This trend had started in the prewar period, but accelerated after the war. In the postwar period, Nikkei undertook measures to solidify ethnic-specific organizations and ensure their survival into the next generation.


1. Masaaki Hironaka, interview by author, tape recording, San Diego, California, 7 April 1997.

2. Ibid.

3. Japanese American Chamber of Commerce, Central Business/Residential Directory, 1939-1940 (Los Angeles: Rafu Shimpo); Rafu Shimpo, Rafu Shimpo Year Book and Directory, 1940-41, 2600th Commemorative Issue (Los Angeles: Rafu Shimpo); San Diego Directory Company, San Diego City Directory 1940 (San Diego: San Diego Directory Company, 1940).

4. Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, Personal Justice Denied: Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1982), 241.

5. United States Department of Interior, War Relocation Authority, WRA: A Story of Human Conservation (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1946), 203.

6. Lucinda Eddy, “War Comes to San Diego,” San Diego Journal of History 39, no. 1 & 2 (winter-spring 1993): 51

7. J. C. McClendon, “Final Report of the Activities of the San Diego District Office: April 14, 1945-January 28, 1946,” (San Diego: War Relocation District Office, 1946), 8.

8. Ibid, 14; Paul Hoshi, interview by author, tape recording, San Diego, California, 9 January 1998.

9.United States Department of Interior, War Agency Liquidation Unit, People in Motion: The Postwar Adjustment of Evacuated Japanese Americans (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1947), 174.

10. Joe Yoshioka, interview by Joyce Nabeta Teague, 6 November 1997, REgenerations Oral History Project, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, California and Japanese American Historical Society of San Diego, San Diego, California.

11. San Diego City Directory, 1940; San Diego Directory Company, San Diego City Directory, 1947-48 (San Diego: San Diego Directory Company, 1948). The company did not publish a directory for 1946 and the 1944-45 City Directory did not contain Nikkei names. The San Diego City Directory 1947-48 listed a total of 127 Nikkei households in the city.

12. Hisako Koike, interview by Joyce Nabeta Teague, 26 January 1998, REgenerations Oral History Project, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, California and Japanese American Historical Society of San Diego, San Diego, California.

13. Masaaki Hironaka, interview by author, 7 April 1997.

14. McClendon, 14.

15. Daniel Okimoto, American in Disguise (New York: Walker/Weather Hill, 1971), 46-47.

16. San Diego City Directory, 1947-48. Nikkei addresses indicate that they lived primarily in South San Diego and Frontier Homes.

17. Katherine Segawa, interview by Vincent Ancona, 20 September 1990, transcript, San Diego Historical Society Oral History Program, San Diego, California.

18. Hisako Koike, interview by Joyce Nabeta Teague.

19. “60 Japs Awaiting Plans Here for Resettlement,” San Diego Union, 25 August 1945, sec. A, p. 1.

20. Masaaki Hironaka, interview by author, 7 April 1997.

21. Ibid.

22. McClendon, 12.

23. Matthew Estes, “The Relocation and Internment of San Diego’s Nikkei Community” (M.A. thesis, San Diego State University, 1995), 137.

24. The Fish and Game Code was amended in 1943 and later in 1945 to discourage Nikkei involvement in the fishing industry. The State Supreme Court struck down the amendments in Takahashi v. Fish and Game Commission. See 334 U.S. 410 (1948).

25. Rafu Shimpo, Year Book and Directory 1952 (Los Angeles: Rafu Shimpo, 1952)

26. Masaaki Hironaka, interview by author, tape recording, San Diego, California, 4 April 1997.

27. Ben Segawa, interview by author, 8 January 1998, tape recording, San Diego, Calif.

28. San Diego City Directory 1950 (San Diego: San Diego Directory Company, 1950).

29. McClendon, 7. Commission houses were a combination of broker and wholesaler.

30. Ben Segawa, interview by author, 8 January 1998

31. James Yamate, interview by author, 10 November 1997, REgenerations Oral History Project, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, California and Japanese American Historical Society of San Diego, San Diego, California.

32. Ben Segawa, interview by author, 8 January 1998.

33. “Boud Raps Plan To Return Japs From Centers,” San Diego Union, 22 May 1943, sec. B, p. 1.

34. “Council Adopts Protests Against Return of Japs,” San Diego Union, 10 June 1943, sec. A, p. 4.

35. “Orders Excluding Japanese From Pacific Coast Revoked,” San Diego Union, 18 December 1944, sec. A, p. 1.

36. “Local Officials Study Effect of Lifting Ban,” San Diego Union, 19 December 1944, sec. A, p. 2.

37. McClendon, 13.

38. Ibid., 6.

39. Masaaki Hironaka, interview by author, 7 April, 1997.

40. McClendon, 6.

41. Greg Gross, “Barbed-Wire Camps Jab Memories,” San Diego Union, 20 February 1981 sec. B, p. 2, 7.

42. “Mayor Studies Effects on San Diego,” San Diego Union, 18 December 1944, sec. B, p. 1, 2.

43. U.S. Department of Interior, War Agency Liquidation Unit, People in Motion, 65. Escheat cases were filed by the state in accordance with Alien Land Laws.

44. Oyama v. California, 332 U.S. 633; Frank Chuman, The Bamboo People (Del Mar, California: Publisher’s Inc., 1976), 201; Donald Estes, South Bay Monogatari (Chula Vista: Chula Vista Historical Society, 1996), 138.

45. “Rev. K. Kikuchi Paves Way for Relocatees,” Colorado Times (Denver, Colorado), 30 August, 1945, p. 1.

46. Japanese Congregational Church of San Diego, 50th Anniversary Dedication 1907-1957 (San Diego: Japanese Congregational Church of San Diego, 1957), 20.

47. San Diego Japanese Christian Church, 60th Anniversary (San Diego: San Diego Japanese Christian Church, 1990), 10.

48. Ibid.; Japanese Congregational Church of San Diego, 50th Anniversary Dedication 1907-1957, 20.

49. Maki Okamoto, “The Wheel and the Cross: Buddhist and Christian Churches in the San Diego Japanese American Community” (M.A. thesis, San Diego State University, 1995), 65.

50. Masami Honda, interview by Joyce Nabeta Teague, 12 November 1997, REgenerations Oral History Project, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, California and Japanese American Historical Society of San Diego, San Diego, California.

51. San Diego Buddhist Temple, Kansha In Gassho: Fiftieth Anniversary of the San Diego Buddhist Temple (San Diego: San Diego Buddhist Temple, 1976), 28.

52.Masaaki Hironaka, interview by the author, 7 April 1997.

53. George Masumoto, interview by author, tape recording, San Diego, California, 13 January 1998.

54. James Yamate, interview by author, 10 November 1997.

55. Gray Castle, San Diego High School Year, 1949, 21.

56 Mitsuko Kawamoto, interview by author, tape recording, San Diego, California, 10 March, 1997.

Categories: Footprints Article